The principle of slavery, which they tolerated under the erroneous impression that it would soon die out, became at last the dominant principle and power at the South. "An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage" in The Atlantic Monthly, 19 (January, 1867) Oration in Memory of Abraham Lincoln (1876) My Escape from Slavery (1881) . The doctrine that some men have no rights that others are bound to respect, is a doctrine which we must banish as we have banished slavery, from which it emanated. The hope of gaining by politics what they lost by the sword, is the secret of all this Southern unrest; and that hope must be extinguished before national ideas and objects can take full possession of the Southern mind. The last and shrewdest turn of Southern politics is a recognition of the necessity of getting into Congress immediately, and at any price. The dreadful calamities of the past few years came not by accident, nor unbidden, from the ground. They are too numerous and useful to be colonized, and too enduring and self-perpetuating to disappear by natural causes. They now stand before Congress and the country, not complaining of the past, but simply asking for a better future. ' Can that be sound statesmanship which leaves millions of men in gloomy discontent, and possibly in a state of alienation in the day of national trouble? _E/sZ@)m"\ kAk> ,?/. Something then, not by way of argument, (for that has been done by Charles Sumner, Thaddeus Stevens, Wendell Phillips, Gerrit Smith, and other able men,) but rather of statement and appeal. While nothing may be urged here as to the past services of the negro, it is quite within the line of this appeal to remind the nation of the possibility that a time may come when the services of the negro may be a second time required. They now stand before Congress and the country, not complaining of the past, but simply asking for a better future. The South does not now ask for slavery. There is something immeasurably mean, to say nothing of the cruelty, in placing the loyal negroes of the South under the political power of their Rebel masters. The South does not now ask for slavery. Loyalty is hardly safe with traitors. H H JFIF H H Adobe_CM Adobe d Nor can we afford to endure the moral blight which the existence of a degraded and hated class must necessarily inflict upon any people among whom such a class may exist. The young men of the South burn with the desire to regain what they call the lost cause; the women are noisily malignant towards the Federal government. The South fought for perfect and permanent control over the Southern laborer. Give the negro the elective franchise, and you at once destroy the purely sectional policy, and wheel the Southern States into line with national interests and national objects. Waiving humanity, national honor, the claims of gratitude, the precious satisfaction arising from deeds of charity and justice to the weak and defenceless,the appeal for impartial suffrage addresses itself with great pertinency to the darkest, coldest, and flintiest side of the human heart, and would wring righteousness from the unfeeling calculations of human selfishness. Exclude the negroes as a class from political rights,teach them that the high and manly privilege of suffrage is to be enjoyed by white citizens only, that they may bear the burdens of the state, but that they are to have no part in its direction or its honors,and you at once deprive them of one of the main incentives to manly character and patriotic devotion to the interests of the government; in a word, you stamp them as a degraded caste,you teach them to despise themselves, and all others to despise them. The first primary source on Frederick Douglass. But no such an appeal shall be relied on here. End of preview Upload your study docs or become a member. But no such appeal shall be relied on here. National interest and national duty, if elsewhere separated, are firmly united here. Oak Ridge High School 1450 Oak Ridge Turnpike Oak Ridge, TN 37830. 1881. The ploughshare of rebellion has gone through the land beam-deep. The ploughshare of rebellion has gone through the land beam-deep. It is supported by reasons as broad as the nature of man, and as numerous as the wants of society. We want no longer any heavy- footed, melancholy service from the negro. The new wine must be put into new bottles. win the trust of an increasingly mistrustful electorate. What is common to all works no special sense of degradation to any. His right to a participation in the production and operation of government is in inference from his nature, as direct and self-evident as is his right to acquire property or education. An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage by Frederick Douglass An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage was published in the Atlantic Monthly, Issue 19, January 1867, pp. From "Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage" Which best describes Douglass's main purpose? What OConnell said of the history of Ireland may with greater truth be said of the negros. Impartial history will paint them as men who deserved well of their country. Casting aside all thought of justice and magnanimity, is it wise to impose upon the negro all the burdens involved in sustaining government against foes within and foes without, to make him equal sharer in all sacrifices for the public good, to tax him in peace and conscript him in war, and then coldly exclude him from the ballot-box? What, then, is the work before Congress? It will tell how these poor people, whose rights we still despised, behaved to our wounded soldiers, when found cold, hungry, and bleeding on the deserted battle-field; how they assisted our escaping prisoners from Andersonville, Belle Isle, Castle Thunder, and elsewhere, sharing with them their wretched crusts, and otherwise affording them aid and comfort; how they promptly responded to the trumpet call for their services, fighting against a foe that denied them the rights of civilized warfare, and for a government which was without the courage to assert those rights and avenge their violation in their behalf; with what gallantry they flung themselves upon Rebel fortifications, meeting death as fearlessly as any other troops in the service. It is true that, in many of the rebellious States, they were almost the only reliable friends the nation had throughout the whole tremendous war. Douglass, F. (1881) Frederick Douglass Papers: Speech, Article, and Book File, -1894; Speeches, Articles, and Other Writings Attributed to Frederick or Helen Pitts Douglass, 1881 to 1887; "An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage," 1881. It may be "traced like a wounded man through a crowd, by the blood." If black men have no rights in the eyes of white men, of course the white can have none in the eyes of the blacks. It comes now in shape of a denial of political rights to four million loyal colored people. Women's rights, - Freedom of speech and of the press it slowly but successfully banished from the South, dictated its own code of honor and manners to the nation, brandished the bludgeon and the bowie-knife over Congressional debate, sapped the foundations of loyalty, dried up the springs of patriotism, blotted out the testimonies of the fathers against oppression, padlocked the pulpit, expelled liberty from its literature, invented nonsensical theories about master-races and slave-races of men, and in due season produced a Rebellion fierce, foul, and bloody. Read the next essay; The spectacle of these dusky millions thus imploring, not demanding, is touching; and if American statesmen could be moved by a simple appeal to the nobler elements of human nature, if they had not fallen, seemingly, into the incurable habit of weighing and measuring every proposition of reform by some standard of profit and loss, doing wrong from choice, and right only from necessity or some urgent demand of human selfishness, it would be enough to plead for the negroes on the score of past services and sufferings. All Rights Reserved. But why are the Southerners so willing to make these sacrifices? It is a measure of relief, a shield to break the force of a blow already descending with violence, and render it harmless. Orators, - All this and more is true of these loyal negroes. Frederick Douglass Papers: Speech, Article, and Book File, -1894; Speeches, Articles, and Other Writings Attributed to Frederick or Helen Pitts Douglass, 1881 to 1887; "An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage," 1881. The contents of The Frederick Douglass Papers at the Library of Congress are in the public domain and are free to use and reuse. The work of destruction has already been set in motion all over the South. There is but one safe and constitutional way to banish that mischievous hope from the South, and that is by lifting the laborer beyond the unfriendly political designs of his former master. His right to a participation in the production and operation of government is an inference from his nature, as direct and self-evident as is his right to acquire property or education. King Cotton is deposed, but only deposed, and is ready to-day to reassert all his ancient pretensions upon the first favorable opportunity. It is plain that, if the right belongs to any, it belongs to all. Hardships, services, sufferings, and sacrifices are all waived. United States--Politics and government--19th century, - Hardships, services, sufferings, and sacrifices are all waived. Webb family--Correspondence, - 5 0 obj Loyalty is hardly safe with traitors. Disfranchise them, and the mark of Cain is set upon them less mercifully than upon the first murderer, for no man was to hurt him. There is something immeasurably mean, to say nothing of the cruelty, in placing the loyal negroes of the South under the political power of their Rebel masters. Wells-Barnett, Ida B., 1862-1931--Correspondence, - The South fought for perfect and permanent control over the Southern laborer. "Frederick Douglass (African American abolitionist and civil right 's leader), "An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage," January 1867". It early mastered the Constitution, became superior to the Union, and enthroned itself above the law. Three years later, the . or will you profit by the blood-bought wisdom all round you, and forever expel every vestige of the old abomination from our national borders? But no such appeal shall be relied on here. It is to save the people of the South from themselves, and the nation from detriment on their account. Does any sane man doubt for a moment that the men who followed Jefferson Davis through the late terrible Rebellion, often marching barefooted and hungry, naked and penniless, and who now only profess an enforced loyalty, would plunge this country into a foreign war to-day, if they could thereby gain their coveted independence, and their still more coveted mastery over the negroes? Under the potent shield of State Rights, the game would be in their own hands. It must cease to recognize the old slave-masters as the only competent persons to rule the South. The lamb may not be trusted with the wolf. They are able, vigilant, devoted. But suffrage for the negro, while easily sustained upon abstract principles, demands consideration upon what are recognized as the urgent necessities of the case. If black men have no rights in the eyes of white men, of course the whites can have none in the eyes of the blacks. It only asks for a large degraded caste, which shall have no political rights. It is plain that, if the right belongs to any, it belongs to all. Their history is parallel to that of the country; but while the history of the latter has been cheerful and bright with blessing, theirs has been heavy and dark with agonies and curses. It must cease to recognize the old slave-masters as the only competent persons to rule the South. A small donation would help us keep this available to all. It is supported by reasons as broad as the nature of man, and as numerous as the wants of society. To appreciate the full force of this argument, it must be observed, that disfranchisement in a republican government based upon the idea of human equality and universal suffrage, is a very different thing from disfranchisement in governments based upon the idea of the divine right of kings, or the entire subjugation of the masses. <> And does not the Emperor of Russia act wisely, as well as generously, when he not only breaks up the bondage of the serf, but extends him all the advantages of Russian citizenship? These facts speak to the better dispositions of the human heart; but they seem of little weight with the opponents of impartial suffrage. This evil principle again seeks admission into our body politic. History is said to repeat itself, and, if so, having wanted the negro once, we may want him again. These facts speak to the better dispositions of the human heart; but they seem of little weight with the opponents of impartial suffrage. The South fought for perfect and permanent control over the Southern laborer. To make peace with our enemies is all well enough; but to prefer our enemies and sacrifice our friends,to exalt our enemies and cast down our friends,to clothe our enemies, who sought the destruction of the government, with all political power, and leave our friends powerless in their hands,is an act which need not be characterized here. Many daring exploits will be told to their credit. The work of destruction has already been set in motion all over the South. For better or for worse, (as in some of the old marriage ceremonies,) the negroes are evidently a permanent part of the American population. https://www.loc.gov/item/mss1187900602/. The lamb may not be trusted with the wolf. United States, series: Speech, Article, and Book File, 1846-1894; Speeches, Articles, and Other Writings Attributed to Frederick or Helen Pitts Douglass, 1881-1887. LC copy formerly part of YA Collection: YA 15708. In a word, it must enfranchise the negro, and by means of the loyal negroes and the loyal white men of the South build up a national party there, and in time bridge the chasm between North and South, so that our country may have a common liberty and a common civilization. There is but one safe and constitutional way to banish that mischievous hope from the South, and that is by lifting the laborer beyond the unfriendly political designs of his former master. Peace to the country has literally meant war to the loyal men of the South, white and black; and negro suffrage is the measure to arrest and put an end to that dreadful strife. Foreign countries abound with his agents. Douglass, Frederick. 20072023 Blackpast.org. The new wine must be put into new bottles. The result is a war of races, and the annihilation of all proper human relations. Anthony, Susan B. beware what you do. Look across the sea. Something, too, might be said of national gratitude. For better or for worse, (as in some of the old marriage ceremonies,) the negroes are evidently a permanent part of the American population. If these bless them, they are blest indeed; but if these blast them, they are blasted indeed. What is common to all works no special sense of degradation to any. The hope of gaining by politics what they lost by the sword, is the secret of all this Southern unrest; and that hope must be extinguished before national idea and objects can take full possession of the Southern mind. Statesmen of America! What OConnell said of the history of Ireland may with greater truth be said of the negros. Impartial history will paint them as men who deserved well of their country. Four specific "thesis" ideas: 1. The text argues that the central problem of the parties today is how to. Find the collection. Waiving humanity, national honor, the claims of gratitude, the precious satisfaction arising from deeds of charity and justice to the weak and defenseless, the appeal for impartial suffrage addresses itself with great pertinence to the darkest, coldest, and flintiest side of the human heart, and would wring righteousness from the unfeeling calculations of human selfishness. Anaphora. Hardships, services, sufferings, and sacrifices are all waived. 3 !1AQa"q2B#$Rb34rC%Scs5&DTdEt6UeuF'Vfv7GWgw 5 !1AQaq"2B#R3$brCScs4%&5DTdEU6teuFVfv'7GWgw ? We have thus far only gained a Union without unity, marriage without love, victory without peace. But why are the Southerners so willing to make these sacrifices? As you members of the Thirty-ninth Congress decide, will the country be peaceful, united, and happy, or troubled, divided, and miserable. Man is the only government-making animal in the world. The fundamental and unanswerable argument in favor of the enfranchisement of the negro is found in the undisputed fact of his manhood. Was not the nation stronger when two hundred thousand sable soldiers were hurled against the Rebel fortifications, than it would have been without them? beware of what you do. Which of the following sentences from the essay "An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage" by Frederick Douglas indicates a claim by the writer?
o " Men are so constituted that they largely derive their ideas of their abilities and their possibilities from the settled judgements of their fellow-men, and especially from such as they read in the institutions under which they live. Disfranchise them, and the mark of Cain is set upon them less mercifully than upon the first murderer, for no man was to hurt him. It will tell how they forded and swam rivers, with what consummate address they evaded the sharp-eyed Rebel pickets, how they toiled in the darkness of night through the tangled marshes of briers and thorns, barefooted and weary, running the risk of losing their lives, to warn our generals of Rebel schemes to surprise and destroy our loyal army. But in a country like ours, where men of all nations, kindred, and tongues are freely enfranchised, and allowed to vote, to say to the negro, You shall not vote, is to deal his manhood a staggering blow, and to burn into his soul a bitter and goading sense of wrong, or else work in him a stupid indifference to all the elements of a manly character. Statesmen, beware what you do. Can that statesmanship be wise which would leave the negro good ground to hesitate, when the exigencies of the country required his prompt assistance? Once firmly seated in Congress, their alliance with Northern Democrats re-established, their States restored to their former position inside the Union, they can easily find means of keeping the Federal government entirely too busy with other important matters to pay much attention to the local affairs of the Southern States. The last and shrewdest turn of Southern politics is a recognition of the necessity of getting into Congress immediately, and at any price. It is to save the people of the South from themselves, and the nation from detriment on their account. It must cease to recognize the old slave-masters as the only competent persons to rule the South. A very limited statement of the argument for impartial suffrage, and for including the negro in the body politic, would require more space than can be reasonably asked here. A nation might well hesitate before the temptation to betray its allies. But upon none of these things is reliance placed. Was not the nation stronger when two hundred thousand sable soldiers were hurled against the Rebel fortifications, than it would have been without them? Is Ireland, in her present condition, fretful, discontented, compelled to support an establishment in which she does not believe, and which the vast majority of her people abhor, a source of power or of weakness to Great Britain? Manuscript/Mixed Material. The fundamental and unanswerable argument in favor of the enfranchisement of the negro is found in the undisputed fact of his manhood. . by noting that the economy has greatly benefited from African- Americans' labor . by citing the community improvements that have resulted from African-Americans' charitable activities , or . <> stream The result is a war of races, and the annihilation of all proper human relations. The spectacle of these dusky millions thus imploring, not demanding, is touching; and if American statesmen could be moved by a simple appeal to the nobler elements of human nature, if they had not fallen, seemingly, into the incurable habit of weighing and measuring every proposition of reform by some standard of profit and loss, doing wrong from choice, and right only from necessity or some urgent demand of human selfishness, it would be enough to plead for the negroes on the score of past services and sufferings. Question 4 60 seconds Q. Carrie Chapman uses the words of which historical men to persuade to congress to allow women to vote? Smith, Gerrit, 1797-1874--Correspondence, - Is not Austria wise in removing all ground of complaint against her on the part of Hungary? Is not Austria wise in removing all ground of complaint against her on the part of Hungary? Massachusetts and South Carolina may draw tears from the eyes of our tender-hearted President by walking arm in arm into his Philadelphia Convention, but a citizen of Massachusetts is still an alien in the Palmetto State. To appreciate the full force of this argument, it must be observed, that disfranchisement in a republican government based upon the idea of human equality and universal suffrage, is a very different thing from disfranchisement in governments based upon the idea of the divine right of kings, or the entire subjugation of the masses. Something then, not by way of argument, (for that has been done by Charles Sumner, Thaddeus Stevens, Wendell Phillips, Gerrit Smith, and other able men,) but rather of statement and appeal. This evil principle again seeks admission into our body politic. Bassett, Ebenezer D., 1833-1908--Correspondence, - Under the potent shield of State Rights, the game would be in their own hands. Plainly enough, the peace not less than the prosperity of this country is involved in the great measure of impartial suffrage. We want no longer any heavy- footed, melancholy service from the negro. The destiny of unborn and unnumbered generations is in your hands. It comes now in shape of a denial of political rights to four million loyal colored people. King Cotton is deposed, but only deposed, and is ready to-day to reassert all his ancient pretensions upon the first favorable opportunity. Something then, not by way of argument, (for that has been done by Charles Sumner, Thaddeus Stevens, Wendell Phillips, Gerrit Smith, and other able men,) but rather of statement and appeal. Look across the sea. Casting aside all thought of justice and magnanimity, is it wise to impose upon the negro all the burdens involved in sustaining government against foes within and foes without, to make him equal sharer in all sacrifices for the public good, to tax him in peace and conscript him in war, and then coldly exclude him from the ballot-box? Enfranchise them, and they become self-respecting and country-loving citizens. The hope of gaining by politics what they lost by the sword, is the secret of all this Southern unrest; and that hope must be extinguished before national ideas and objects can take full possession of the Southern mind. Is Ireland, in her present condition, fretful, discontented, compelled to support an establishment in which she does not believe, and which the vast majority of her people abhor, a source of power or of weakness to Great Britain? But suffrage for the negro, while easily sustained upon abstract principles, demands consideration upon what are recognized as the urgent necessities of the case. It is true that a strong plea for equal suffrage might be addressed to the national sense of honor. Arming the negro was an urgent military necessity three years ago, are we sure that another quite as pressing may not await us? It comes now in shape of a denial of political rights to four million loyal colored people. Statesmen, beware what you do. The proposition is as modest as that made on the mountain: All these things will I give unto thee if thou wilt fall down and worship me.. African Americans--Washington (D.C.), - Citations are generated automatically from bibliographic data as Waiving humanity, national honor, the claims of gratitude, the precious satisfaction arising from deeds of charity and justice to the weak and defenceless,--the appeal for impartial suffrage addresses itself with great pertinency to the darkest, coldest, and flintiest side of the human heart, and would wring righteousness from the unfeeling calculations of human selfishness. Directions. But this mark of inferiorityall the more palpable because of a difference of colornot only dooms the negro to be a vagabond, but makes him the prey of insult and outrage everywhere. The Rebel States have still an anti-national policy. The dreadful calamities of the past few years came not by accident, nor unbidden, from the ground. Garrison, William Lloyd, 1805-1879--Correspondence, - 3 0 obj appeal to moderate voters despite the parties' ideological orientation. Request Permissions. Sprague, Rosetta Douglass--Correspondence, - The answers to these questions are too obvious to require statement. Strong as we are, we need the energy that slumbers in the black man's arm to make us stronger.
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